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Tupac Amaru Shakur, " I'm Loosing It...We MUST Unite!"

Tuesday, April 2, 2019

UPTOWN RECORDS (1986-1999)

                                                     CONTRIBUTED BY: SAMUEL MOMODU

Uptown Records, one of the earliest hip-hop labels, was founded in 1986. It signed artists such as Mary J. Blige, Jodeci, Heavy D and the Boyz, and Father M.C. Uptown Records was founded by Andre Harrell, a former member of the group Dr. Jackell and Mr. Hyde. It quickly set up a distribution deal with MCA records. The name of the label, Uptown, was the term New Yorkers used to describe the boroughs Manhattan and The Bronx, as well as the northern suburbs, Yonkers, New Rochelle, and Mt. Vernon.
Harrell quickly signed the group Heavy D and the Boyz and Marley Marl along with other acts and then created a compilation album called Uptown Is Kickin’ It, which was released in 1987. That same year, Heavy D and Boyz released their debut studio album Living Large which went gold which sold over 300,000 copies. Al B. Sure released his debut studio album on Uptown Records in 1988 called In Effect Mode, which was the first label album to go platinum, selling 3,000,000 copies. In 1989 Teddy Riley who was credited with creating the New Jack Swing, formed a group called Guy alongside Aaron Hall and Damion Hall. They signed with Uptown Records and released their self-titled debut album Guy in 1989. Uptown Records continued its success with Heavy and the Boyz’ second album, Big Time (1989).
In 1990 future rap mogul Sean “Diddy” Combs became an intern at Uptown Records. During his time with the label he worked with Jodeci, Father M.C., and Mary J. Blige. These artists all released successful albums. Father M.C.’s albums included Father’s Day (1990), Close to You(1992), and Sex is Law (1993). Jodeci released Forever My Lady (1991), Diary of a Mad Band(1993), and The Show, the After Party, and the Hotel (1995). Mary J. Blige released two successful albums with Uptown Records, What’s the 411? (1992) and My Life (1994), which were both successful albums. Uptown Records also was involved in film and television when it supplied the soundtrack for the Fox television show New York Undercover.
Despite the record label’s initial success, its decline began when Combs was fired from Uptown Records after his conflict with Harrell. Combs left the label and took with him up-and-coming rapper The Notorious B.I.G. to help establish his label, Bad Boy Records. Tension at Uptown Records also led Mary J. Blige and Jodeci to sign with Suge Knight’s Death Row. In 1995, Harrell moved to Motown records. Heavy D replaced Harrell as CEO but that did not stop the decline. In 1999 Uptown Records closed its operations. Nonetheless Uptown Records left a powerful legacy in the music industry as the first major hip-hop label.

Monday, April 1, 2019

THE INNOCENCE PROJECT: A SHORT HISTORY SINCE 1983

CONTRIBUTED BY: RORY O'SULLIVAN

For more than 25 years the Innocence Project has been shedding light on systemic failures of the United States criminal justice system. The authors of the Bill of Rights in the 1780s and 1790s enumerated more than a dozen specific protections for criminal defendants including the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury, the right to confront witnesses, and right to assistance of counsel. And yet, despite all these protections, more than 2,100 people have been exonerated in the US since 1989 after being wrongly convicted. Advocates at Innocence Projects around the country have been working to right these wrongs.
The story of the Innocence Project starts with Marion Coakley. Born in Beaufort, South Carolina in 1955, Coakley moved to New York in 1979. He earned a living as a manual laborer, unloading fruit and vegetable crates and working in a stone-cutting shop. As an adult he read at a second grade level and his IQ was in the seventies.
On Saturday October 15, 1983, two detectives in the Bronx arrested Marion Coakley for the rape of Irma Lopez (Irma Lopez is a pseudonym used to protect the name of a victim of sexual assault). Lopez was raped two nights earlier on October 13th at the Bronx Park Motel. After the rape she was admitted to a hospital where she was treated for wounds resulting from the attack and hospital staff collected evidence as part of a rape kit. The evening of the rape, according to multiple eyewitnesses, Coakley was at a bible-study meeting in his sister’s apartment, not at the Bronx Park Motel. At trial, the Reverend Samuel Manigault, who led the bible-study meeting, testified on Coakley’s behalf as an alibi witness; but the prosecutor was able to make the reverend sound uncertain about his testimony.
Also in 1983, Kary Mullis was developing a process for duplicating and matching DNA, a process called polymerase chain reaction or PCR. He would go on to win the Nobel Prize in Chemistry for his work. The process was adapted for use in criminal investigations in which only tiny fragments of genetic material are available for testing.
Coakley was represented by the Bronx office of the Legal Aid Society, an organization that was founded in 1876 to protect the rights of German immigrants who could not afford a lawyer. Over the years the mission and the clientele of the organization expanded and in 1965 the Legal Aid Society became the primary public defender agency in New York. Coakley’s lawyer, Donald duBoulay, was a successful trial attorney but his repeated requests for more time were denied by Judge David Levy. The case had been worked up by a different defense attorney who had since moved on to another job, and duBoulay was just coming off another trial. Three eyewitnesses who saw the rapist, including Irma Lopez, testified with certainty that Marion Coakley was the rapist and the jury quickly issued a guilty verdict.
The Legal Aid Society, however, was convinced of Coakley’s innocence, but they understood that one of Coakley’s defenses on appeal might be ineffective assistance of counsel—a claim that the Legal Aid Society itself would be conflicted in raising—so they referred the case to Barry Scheck, who worked at a law clinic at Cardozo School of Law and to Peter Neufeld, who had a private practice nearby. Scheck and Neufeld each had more than ten years of experience as practicing attorneys, they had both worked previously at the Legal Aid Society, and they often partnered together on cases.
In 1987, when Scheck and Neufeld were working to overturn Coakley’s conviction, they did not have access to DNA testing based on PCR. Instead they used basic detective work to reveal problems with the eyewitness testimony and they used a test based on the blood type of the semen donor that showed Coakley could not have been the rapist. Eventually, they had enough evidence to convince not only the court, but even the Bronx District Attorney’s Office concluded that they had convicted the wrong man. In December of 1987 based on the evidence presented by Scheck and Neufeld, Chief Administrative Judge Burton Roberts, who took on the case when he heard about the possible exoneration, overturned Coakley’s conviction.  This was the first victory for what would become the Innocence Project.
Two years later Gary Dotson became the first person exonerated based on DNA evidence. In 1992, Scheck and Neufeld founded the Innocence Project so that they could work on wrongful convictions in a more systematic manner. Initially, the Innocence Project was a clinic at the Cardozo School of Law in New York City. In 2004, after 12 years and approximately 150 exonerations, the Innocence Project became an independent nonprofit although it remains affiliated with Cardozo School of Law.
Other innocence projects have sprung up around the country and around the world. In 1997, Professor Jacqueline McMurtrie founded the Innocence Project Northwest at the University of Washington School of Law which has been responsible for the exoneration of 14 wrongly convicted individuals in Washington State. The Innocence Project Northwest is a member of the Innocence Network, an organization that connects the nearly 70 innocence project organizations worldwide.
Wrongful convictions happen for many reasons. As Scheck and Neufeld note in Actual Innocence, “[s]ometimes eyewitnesses make mistakes. Snitches tell lies. Confessions are coerced or fabricated. Racism trumps the truth. Lab tests are rigged. Defense lawyers sleep. Prosecutors lie.” Of all the reasons for wrongful convictions, eyewitness misidentification testimony was a factor in more than 70 percent of DNA post-conviction exoneration cases. Since the early 1900s, criminologists have conducted experiments demonstrating the unreliable nature of eyewitness testimony. Even the best eyewitnesses make errors and many eyewitnesses reports are filled with more errors than correct statements. Continued analysis and experimentation has demonstrated that memories are changed and embellished over time and that cross-racial identification is subject to an even greater error rate than other aspects of eyewitness testimony.
In the last ten years, popular culture has become captivated by stories of wrongful convictions. In December 2015, Netflix released the first season of Making a Murderer, a documentary viewed by more than 19 million people in the first 35 days after its release. The documentary explored the history of Steven Avery, a man who was convicted of sexual assault and attempted murder in Manitowoc County, Wisconsin and then exonerated in 2003 after serving 18 years in prison. The show picks up after his release from prison and documents charges leveled against Avery for a murder in 2005. The premise of the documentary is that the prosecutors framed Avery for the 2005 murder in retaliation for his 2003 exoneration. Avery remains in prison today, although his case is on appeal. In another example, the first season of the podcast Serial questions the conviction of Adnan Syed in Baltimore, Maryland for the murder of Hae Min Lee. Serial has been downloaded by more than 100 million listeners.
Both the Innocence Project in New York and the Innocence Project Northwest have advocated for policy changes. The exonerations of Rolando Cruz and Ronald Jones, inmates who served time on Illinois’ death row, led then-Illinois Governor George Ryan to issue a moratorium on death sentences in 1999. That same year, Illinois State Senator Barack Obamasponsored a bill requiring that interrogations be recorded. Mandatory recording of interrogations help defense attorneys and innocence project organizations obtain evidence of coerced confessions. Other policy measures advocated by innocence projects include amending eyewitness identification procedures, preserving and testing DNA evidence, and compensation funds for exonerees. In February of 2014 Governor Jay Inslee issued a moratorium on the death penalty in Washington State and the state legislature is currently considering legislation to abolish the death penalty.
Because of their success, innocence projects have been inundated with requests for representation from prisoners claiming to be wrongfully convicted. The projects have developed screening criteria that include a claim of actual innocence (as opposed to mere “legal” innocence) that can be corroborated through DNA testing or other newly discovered evidence. Innocence project organizations review the evidence they receive and, in some cases, the tested DNA evidence confirms that the right person is in prison. But in far too many cases, the criminal justice system has convicted the wrong person.
Innocence Projects around the country have demonstrated that the scope of the problem of wrongful conviction is massive. Living up to the values enshrined in the Bill of Rights would require systemic evaluation and reform. This is an issue that requires public attention. Voters need to educate themselves and their elected officials about the need for criminal justice reform. In many places, voters may also be able to hold their prosecutors accountable at the ballot box. In Washington State, as in many states, the county prosecuting attorney is an elected position. Voters should investigate the extent to which wrongful convictions have taken place in their county and how the prosecuting attorney has responded when someone their office prosecuted has been exonerated. The American justice system was designed to protect against convicting the innocent, but we are not living up to the values enshrined in our founding documents. Voters, lawmakers, and prosecutors need to review and reform the criminal justice system in order to protect the innocent from wrongful conviction.

MENTAL ILLNESS IN BLACK COMMUNITY, 1700-2019: A SHORT HISTORY

                                               CONTRIBUTED BY: UCHENNA UMEH

In the article below, Dr. Uchenna Umeh, a former San Antonio, Texas physician, briefly describes how mental health among African Americans was viewed and treated by the American medical community from the antebellum period until today. In the process she describes how those attitudes have impacted black views of mental health into the contemporary era.
In 1848 John Galt, a physician and medical director of the Eastern Lunatic Asylum in Williamsburg, Virginia, offered that “blacks are immune to mental illness.” Galt hypothesized that enslaved Africans could not develop mental illness because as enslaved people, they did not own property, engage in commerce, or participate in civic affairs such as voting or holding office. This immunity hypothesis assumed according to Galt and others at that time that the risk of “lunacy” would be highest in those populations who were emotionally exposed to the stress of profit making, principally wealthy white men.
If indeed this statement were true, then I, a woman of Nigerian ancestry living in the United States—as well as some of my family members, friends and acquaintances, my patients, their parents and grandparents, all black—should never have struggles with mental health issues. Yet we all have. Unfortunately, we of African ancestry have subconsciously embraced and propagated this narrative much to our detriment believing as if this problem does not exist in our race.
In September of 2018, I quit my job as a physician to focus on public speaking, with the sole purpose of increasing awareness about mental illness among people of African ancestry in the United States. I had become aware of a substantial increase in depression and suicidal ideation in my patients. The more I researched this topic, the more I noticed that the problem is increasingly prevalent in the contemporary community. Today suicide rates in African American children aged 5-11 years have increased steadily since the 1980s and are now double those of their Caucasian counterparts. Black men made up 80% of attempted suicides among African Americans in 2015, and in the US, black males are three times more likely to complete suicide than black women. These numbers are on the rise.
Mental illness has been in existence as long as humans have inhabited the earth, but for people of African descent, little or no references are available about this condition before the 1700s. Dr. Benjamin Rush, the leading medical authority in the nation during the years immediately following the American Revolution, was also the most prominent medical practitioner to disagree with John Galt’s ideas about the absence of mental illness among black slaves, when he wrote that many of the enslaved suffered from “abnormal behaviors” including “negritude,” which he described as the irrational desire by blacks to become white. Since becoming white could only be accomplished by miscegenation, Rush argued against intermarriage between races to ensure that negritude would not spread beyond the black population. While there was no indication that he ever treated anyone for this disease, he noted in one of his writings that “the Africans become insane… soon after they enter upon the toils of perpetual slavery in the West Indies.”
Other antebellum medical researchers promoted conditions such as Drapetomania, a disease that caused enslaved blacks to flee their plantations, or Dysaethesia Aethiopia, a disease that purportedly caused a state of dullness and lethargy, which would now be considered depression. Modern historians of slavery have described both conditions as understandable responses to enslavement, but white medical practitioners at the time assumed they were manifestations of mental illness.
Dr. Samuel Cartwright, a pro-slavery physician who worked with enslaved people in Louisiana, argued that severe whipping was the typically the best “treatment” for both conditions. Cartwright and others often reported that Drapetomania and Dysaethesia Aethiopia were often accompanied by skin lesions, which historians now argue were most likely scars from the whippings. In other words, these physicians failed to recognize the connection between the emotional states of the enslaved and the treatment they recommended for their condition.
Most pre-Civil War mental health facilities in the South usually barred the enslaved for treatment. Apparently mental health experts believed that housing blacks and whites in the same facilities would detrimentally affect the healing of the whites. Housing conditions in Southern asylums for the few that accepted the enslaved were bad enough for white patients, but the blacks were often housed outdoors near these institutions or in local jails. There were accounts of some child-slaves being cared for in the yards of the asylums. Most of these facilities were run without government funding or oversight, and inmates, as the children were called, were regularly misdiagnosed and wrongly accused of crimes, extending their stay in these institutions and exposing them to additional mistreatment by authorities. Many of these children were subjected to hard manual labor on farms owned by or near these institutions, foreshadowing the notorious convict leasing systems that sprang up across the Reconstruction-era South.
Often the labor of these children was praised by asylum authorities, further raising questions about the correctness of their diagnoses of mental illness. Here, we catch a glimpse of the possible origin of contemporary black distrust of the healthcare system. In essence, if these slaves were truly “out of their senses,” how were they able to carry out sustained hard labor that required special skills, while white patients were often “too feeble-minded” to work?
The Civil War freed nearly four million enslaved people across the South. It did not, however, lead to more enlightened attitudes about the treatment of African Americans with mental illness. In 1895, Dr. T.O. Powell, the superintendent of the Georgia Lunatic Asylum observed an alarming increase in insanity and consumption (tuberculosis) among blacks in his state which he attributed to three decades of freedom. Powell argued that when the former slaves got their freedom, it caused them to have little or no control over their appetites and passions and thus led to excesses and vices which in turn generated a rise in insanity. Like medical experts before him, Powell did not factor in socioeconomic conditions including poverty, racial discrimination, and the ever-looming specter of violence (lynchings reached a high point in the 1890-1920 period) as playing any role in the mental state of these freedpeople.
At the beginning of the 20th century African Americans who were said to have mental deficiencies faced a new, more dangerous threat to their well-being, the eugenics movement. Starting in Great Britain, the movement quickly spread to the United States by the 1920s. Eugenics was based on two parallel principles, the encouragement of births among people who were considered “good” genetic stock, and the sterilization of people deemed unfit for reproduction including individuals with mental illness, those who were poor, and those accused of sexual promiscuity and sexual criminality.
Sterilization in the US quickly focused on African Americans. In California alone in the 1930s African Americans who comprised 1% of the population, made up 4% of the victims of legal sterilization. Eventually eighteen states eventually passed laws allowing for the widespread sterilization of the institutionalized including many who were black, misdiagnosed, and falsely accused of crimes. Although sterilization lost some of its appeal when it was discovered Nazi Germany embraced the practice on a wide scale, by the 1970s some states in the South, including notably North Carolina and Alabama, still sterilized disproportionate numbers of black women who were declared by courts to be mentally defective. In North Carolina in the 1960s, for example, more than 85% of those legally sterilized were black women.
African Americans were also victimized by psychosurgery from the 1930s to the 1960s, a process of surgically removing parts of the brain (lobotomy) to treat mental illnesses. Started in Europe, it quickly gained acceptance in the US for reasons that were finally ruled as sociopolitical rather than medical by the late 1970s. Psychosurgery was promoted as a treatment for “brain dysfunction,” a diagnosis claimed to have led to widespread urban violence and inner-city uprisings. While most historians and social scientists viewed urban violence and the uprisings of the 1960s and a reaction to systematic oppression, poverty, discrimination, and state-sponsored physical violence (police brutality), Dr. Frank Ervin, a psychiatrist, and two neurosurgeons, Drs. Vernon Mark and William Sweet argued into the 1960s that this violence was the result of a surgically-treatable brain disorder and promoted their agenda as a specific contribution to ending the political unrest of the period. While never widely accepted and practiced, some lobotomies were performed on black children as young as five years old who exhibited aggressive or hyperactive behaviors.
Postpartum depression (PPD), aka Baby Blues, characterized by feelings of sadness, crying, and hormonal mood swings that happen after birth, also can sometimes be severe and result in anxiety, depression, or rarely, psychosis. The extreme form affects 20% of all races but more than 40% of African American women have been afflicted by it. The reasons vary including lower socioeconomic status, emotional and financial distress, domestic violence, poor access to healthcare, single parenthood, and poor or inadequate childcare. Although rarely mentioned in the mainstream news, PPD is another manifestation of mental illness in African American women.
Sadly, the story of African American mental illness cannot be told without recognizing ever-present sociopolitical agendas, and their particularly pernicious effects on black children. Extreme, concentrated poverty, for example, continues to impact the availability of mental health treatment. In 1983, one in two black children lived in poverty compared to one in seven white children. Today the ratio for black children is still one in three and for white children it is an average of one in ten; Latinos have an average of one in four. Since we now know the mental health of any child is intricately connected to the social, political and economic policies and conditions of their immediate and extended environment, it is little wonder that we continue to see high suicide rates among black children. Racism, systematic oppression and discrimination, police brutality, low socioeconomic status, untreated parental psychopathology, and disruptive family dynamics all influence mental illness in children. With inequality of care, these numbers for black children will only continue to grow.
If medical racism affected the mental treatment of African Americans well into the 20th century, by the end of the century medical practitioners were beginning to recognize the various socioeconomic factors that impact black mental health. Yet cultural beliefs among African Americans also impact attitudes toward and treatment of mental health in black communities. Myths like “it does not happen to us,” “we are strong and therefore do not get depressed,” “our God is able,” “it is not our portion,” and “we can pray it away” are not simply misleading beliefs, they often create unnecessary barriers and stigmas to recognizing and treating mental illness among African Americans.
Though the African American church has been a formidable force for the survival of blacks in a United States still grappling with the residual effects of white supremacy, one must not underestimate the mental toll that can result when, on one hand, the church teaches forgiveness, and on the other hand, victims and their families often have been called upon to repress justifiable feelings of anger and outrage in order to forgive. This becomes a particular challenge when no support infrastructure exists to acknowledge wrongdoing or set a proper stage for reconciliation and justification of the forgiveness.
The crimes of oppression, terrorism, and racism continue against black people even into the 21st century. These factors cannot be overlooked as underlying causes for the rising number of African American suicides. Black women and men who commit suicide may seemingly prefer an afterlife better that the current one with minimally-attractive and viable options. While low socioeconomic status can fuel the prevalence of mental illness, even amongst the more affluent African Americans, stigma remains a strong deterrent to the acknowledgement and acceptance of its presence. Additionally, we are often not treated equally by medical practitioners even when we do seek care and have the resources to pay for that care.
I hope this article will initiate the much-needed conversation among and about blacks on the need for the silence and stigma about mental illness to end. We must engage in the accurate narratives, so we can gain access to appropriate funding, and get on the proper path to healing ourselves, our children, and sustaining our future.

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