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Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts

Friday, October 23, 2020

U.S. sets new single-day record for coronavirus infections


The United States tallied a record 83,010 new coronavirus cases Friday as infections climb across much of the country, according to data compiled by the Covid Tracking Project.

The latest surge comes ahead of what's expected to be an especially dangerous winter for the virus, with hospitalizations already on the rise. More than 41,000 people have been hospitalized with the virus, up nearly 20 percent in the past two weeks, while deaths are also beginning to rise again to a seven-day average of nearly 800 per day.

The virus' trajectory belies President Donald Trump's frequent predictions that the pandemic is "rounding the corner," as he again claimed during the final presidential debate on Thursday. Democratic nominee Joe Biden refuted that notion, predicting the country is headed into a "dark winter."

Public health experts warn the number of new infections will continue rise during the fall and winter as temperatures fall and people spend more time indoors. Even if a vaccine is authorized before the end of the year, it will likely take months before it can be widely distributed to the public.

“The number of Covid cases, hospitalizations, and deaths is going to continue to grow sharply as we enter the winter; until all of us on our own start taking enough collective action to slow the spread,” Trump’s former FDA Commissioner Scott Gottlieb tweeted Friday. “There is no seasonal backstop, and won’t be any new national policy action.”

At least 8.3 million Americans have been infected by the virus since the global pandemic began and nearly 225,000 have died, according to CDC data.

CDC Director Robert Redfield and other government health experts have implored Americans to wear masks, continue to social distance and frequently wash their hands to help prevent spread of the virus.



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Kamala Harris makes her final case to 'the ATL'


ATLANTA — For a good two years, Democrats have been wooing Black voters across the ideological spectrum, hoping to appeal to the issues they care about most both politically and culturally as they gear up for Election Day. Friday evening, at Morehouse College — Martin Luther King Jr.’s alma mater — Sen. Kamala Harris made the party’s closing argument to them, prosecuting the issues at stake for Black communities and outlining how a Biden administration would alleviate them.

Dressed in a black suit and stilettos, she strutted out to Mary J. Blige’s “Work That,” beaming as she grabbed the mic, delivering her remarks to a crowd of voters at a drive-in rally at the historically Black college, whose alumni include former NAACP president Julian Bond, Maynard Jackson Jr., the city’s first African-American mayor, Spike Lee and Samuel Jackson. (Not to mention, one time Republican presidential candidate Herman Cain.)

The setting was not lost on Harris, and she tailored her speech accordingly.

“Coming to Atlanta, and especially if you are Black and hold elected office in America, coming to Atlanta is like coming back to the womb,” Harris said, alluding to the civil rights foundation of the city.

“Atlanta is a place that has produced leaders who have been national leaders and international leaders, who have always understood that hope will fuel the fight, faith will be what grounds us in knowing what is possible.”

Harris talked about the all-but-a-done-deal confirmation of Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court, and in so doing, invoked Thurgood Marshall, the Court’s first Black justice. She talked about climate change, but made sure to drive home its impact on communities of color. And in discussing Democrats’ chances of taking control of the Senate, she reminded everyone she was the only Black woman to hold the post — and only the second to do so.

“You got to just organize the folks,” she said, “and bring people together and recognize that nothing we have ever achieved as a nation by way of progress came without a fight.”

Her remarks represent a full-throated lean into her identity as a Black woman, something the California senator has frequently cited in addition to her Indian American heritage. Her visit closed the lid even tighter on Black support in Georgia ahead of its mandatory Saturday voting period on October 24, during which all counties statewide will be required to keep polling places open.

Part of the playbook: Black voters are key to Democrats’ victories up and down the ballot on Nov. 3. Black women are the most active within this voting bloc and view Harris’ position atop the ticket as recognition of their support of the party and further fuel for their efforts to get out the vote.

A margins game: Democrats anticipating close election results have targeted key voting groups to put them over the top on Nov. 3. Young Black men, specifically, are atop that list. During her visit to Atlanta, Harris held listening sessions with groups of them and addressed her role as a prosecutor--something her critics point to as a stumbling block with the group. During an interview with V-103, a Black Atlanta radio station on Friday, Harris addressed those concerns.

“I’m never going to tell anybody that they are supposed to vote for us. We need to earn the vote,” she said. “Black men, like anyone else, they’re not monolithic.”

Georgia is in play: As Election Day draws closer, liberals have grown increasingly bullish about the odds of their ability to deliver the state for Joe Biden and elect two Democratic senators. Their claim is boosted by large numbers of Black early voters and coalescence around the party from Asians and Latinos, who have voted for Republicans in larger numbers in the past.



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Biden’s oil slip gives Trump campaign hope in Pa., Texas


PHILADELPHIA — Joe Biden’s plan to move to a clean energy economy isn't new to those who've been paying attention: For months, he's promised to put the country on a path to be carbon-neutral by 2050.

But Biden, who's been extraordinarily cautious throughout the campaign while talking about fossil fuels, clearly believes he botched his own strategy on Thursday night.

Within minutes of the debate, where he said he wanted to transition away from the oil industry, Biden walked back his remarks with reporters. On Friday, his running mate Kamala Harris reaffirmed the ticket’s support for fracking. And two members of Congress from oil- and gas-rich areas immediately distanced themselves from the Democratic nominee.

So with only 11 days to go until the election, Biden and other Democrats are doing clean-up duty at precisely the wrong time.

“We're not getting rid of fossil fuels,” Biden told reporters after the debate. “We're getting rid of the subsidies for fossil fuels, but we're not getting rid of fossil fuels for a long time.”

President Donald Trump’s campaign has spent the day rejoicing at Biden’s remarks, crowing on a call with media outlets on Friday it “put the nail in the coffin” for him in Pennsylvania. But in a sign of their confidence here in the presidential race, many Democrats in the critical battleground state, including those in fracking country, are largely shrugging it off.

“I don’t think it’s going to be an issue,” said Pennsylvania Democratic Lt. Gov. John Fetterman, who hails from the western side of the state, where there's been a fracking boom. “I think if you are fundamentally committed to or work in that industry, you’ve already made up your mind.”

Both 2020 candidates have lavished attention to the natural gas industry in Pennsylvania, the likely tipping-point state in the Electoral College. Trump has painted his opponent as hostile to fossil fuels, seeing an opportunity to pick up more votes in his strongholds in the western and northeastern parts of the state where there are numerous gas wells. In hopes of limiting his losses in those areas, or even flipping some, Biden has typically sought to be extra careful while talking about fracking and energy.

Biden’s campaign has simultaneously embraced a liberal green jobs plan that is large enough to please progressive activists — and taken pains to express opposition to a fracking ban, including at debates and a campaign stop in Pittsburgh earlier this year. His team has said the country can achieve net zero-emissions by 2050 without eliminating fossil fuels by utilizing tools such as carbon-capture technology.

Biden, however, has struggled at times to explain the particulars of his climate plan. He has garbled his position on fracking, which Trump’s campaign has seized on to make false claims. Asked at a 2019 debate whether there would be a role for coal and fracking in a Biden administration, he said, “No, we would — we would work it out,” before his campaign later clarified he didn’t support a ban.

“It absolutely helps Trump, not only in Pennsylvania, but also in Texas, Ohio and several other key states,” said Charlie Gerow, a GOP strategist in Pennsylvania who has worked on presidential campaigns. “I think even Biden realized that he stepped in it last night. You could see him trying to back-walk it.”

Democratic Reps. Kendra Horn of Oklahoma and Xochitl Torres Small of New Mexico, who represent areas dependent on fossil fuel extraction, quickly distanced themselves from Biden’s comments.

“I disagree with VP Biden's statement tonight,” Torres Small said in a tweet. “Energy is part of the backbone of New Mexico’s economy. We need to work together to promote responsible energy production and stop climate change, not demonize a single industry.”

State Sen. John Yudichak, a former Democrat who registered as an independent last year in the wake of big GOP victories around his northeastern Pennsylvania district, urged Biden to further clarify his comments when he campaigns in the state’s Luzerne County on Saturday. Yudichak has endorsed Biden but also repeatedly pushed him to embrace the gas industry.

“The vice president’s comment about ending oil and gas development in the very near future certainly hurts his chance to lock down working-class voters in northeastern Pennsylvania and throughout Pennsylvania,” Yudichak said. “We can’t dismiss building-trade, construction trade workers. We need to make sure that they don’t feel forgotten.”

Democrats in Pennsylvania expressed confidence that Biden’s prompt walk-back means the fundamental dynamics in the race won't change. Biden is leading Trump in the state by 5 to 6 percentage points and few voters report they are undecided. Democrats believe Biden has already won over some fracking supporters at the margins, as they had hoped. They also said fracking is not a top issue for the suburban women Trump needs to win over.

“It may have an impact in some of the more rural counties out here in southwestern Pennsylvania where Donald Trump was already going to win. Maybe it peels some votes off there,” said Mike Mikus, a Pittsburgh-based Democratic strategist. “But based on all the polling I’ve seen statewide, it’s not enough to close the gap because it's a pretty big gap.”

Still, Mikus said Biden “was not clear last night when he answered it, which is why he had to address it right before getting on the plane.”

One factor that could complicate the Trump campaign’s efforts to zero in on Biden’s comments in a way that a traditional Republican campaign in this situation would is Trump himself. Throughout the year, Trump has jumped from one line of attack on Biden to another, but nothing has really stuck.

Bobby “Mac” McAuliffe, director of Pennsylvania’s United Steelworkers District 10, also said many oil and gas workers in the union have already seen their prospects hurt because of the dive in fuel demand caused by the pandemic.

“USW members in Pennsylvania are deeply concerned about the economy and whether it will rebound after the loss of thousands of Pennsylvania jobs that resulted from the sustained lack of federal leadership,” he said. “Our members also indicated that their top concern is affordable health care, which between the still raging pandemic and the push to kill the Affordable Care Act remains front and center in this election.”

Markets have begun frowning on oil and gas. Major companies like BP are planning to deepen a transition to renewable energy, the Dow Jones Industrial Average delisted Exxon Mobil in August, and even before the pandemic-induced recession, banks were shying away from debt-laden shale drillers that consistently failed to deliver promised returns. The energy sector, which is largely composed of oil and gas companies, also has been the worst-performing on the S&P 500.

If Biden does emerge unscathed by his remarks Thursday, it may partly be due to his centrist brand. In 2016, Trump was seen as more moderate than Hillary Clinton, who was slammed after she said “we're going to put a lot of coal miners and coal companies out of business.” This year, polls show Biden is viewed by voters as more down-the-middle than Trump.

After the debate, Robert Heenan, a Pennsylvania-based second vice president at the International Union of Operating Engineers, said of Biden’s comments, “What the hell was that about?”

But Heenan said he is sticking with Biden — and doesn’t think he’ll lose rank-and-file members over his remarks — because “I know he’s not going to hurt the workers.”




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Poll: Majority of viewers say Biden won final debate


Joe Biden outperformed President Donald Trump in Thursday’s final presidential debate, according to a new POLITICO/Morning Consult flash poll released Friday.

The survey found that 54 percent of debate watchers believed Biden won the matchup, while 39 percent said Trump did. Only 8 percent of those who watched said they didn’t know or had no opinion.

Despite most national polls indicating that voters have decided whom they’re supporting in this year’s election, nearly two-thirds of voters tuned in for Thursday’s debate at Belmont University in Nashville, Tenn., while 37 percent did not.

The Commission on Presidential Debates’ unprecedented decision to mute each candidate’s microphone when the other was speaking appeared to pay off with viewers after last month's noxious first debate of constant interruptions that many criticized as an unpleasant viewing experience.

Nearly 7-in-10 of those who watched the debate said they enjoyed the final debate between Trump and Biden, while 23 percent said they didn’t. An overwhelming majority of viewers (65 percent) said both candidates were respectful of each other’s time, compared with 10 percent for the first debate.

While Republican leaders were largely complimentary of Trump’s debate performance against his Democratic opponent, 6-in-10 viewers said Trump was more interruptive. One-in-5 viewers said Biden interrupted more.

After a performance in the first debate that was widely panned by voters, Trump exhibited relative discipline on Thursday night against Biden as he played up his record and interrupted far less than he had previously. However, more than half of those who watched strongly or somewhat disagreed that the president is a good debater, while 41 percent strongly or somewhat agreed.

The debate’s moderator, NBC News’ Kristen Welker, also received praise for her performance from viewers, with 73 percent saying she did a good or excellent job in the final showdown between Trump and Biden. More than 60 percent also said Welker did not favor either candidate, though the president and his campaign tried to paint her as a “radical Democrat” in the lead-up to the debate.

The POLITICO/Morning Consult poll was conducted on Oct. 23, surveying a nationwide sample of 1,848 registered voters, 1,163 of whom said they watched the debate. The margin of error is plus or minus 2 percentage points, though polls conducted entirely in one day can carry additional sources of error.

Morning Consult is a global data intelligence company, delivering insights on what people think in real time by surveying tens of thousands across the globe every single day.

More details on the poll and its methodology can be found in these two documents: Toplines | Crosstabs




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Final debate ratings lag first showdown, 2016 numbers


About 63 million viewers tuned in for Thursday's presidential debate — a marked drop from the over 73 million who watched the candidates face off in September.

The viewership is also a decrease across the board from 2016, when over 71 million people tuned in for the final presidential debate and over 84 million for the first, according to estimates by Nielsen released Friday. The second presidential debate that year garnered over 66.5 million views.

The second presidential debate was canceled this year after President Donald Trump tested positive for coronavirus. He and Democratic candidate Joe Biden opted instead for simultaneous town halls broadcast by NBC News and ABC respectively.

Those combined events garnered far fewer total views than the second presidential debate in 2016, with each event getting around 14 million viewers (with Biden's viewership slightly higher than Trump's).

But as events hosted by networks rather than the Commission on Presidential Debates, they were broadcast on fewer channels. Trump's town hall was shown on NBC, MSNBC and CNBC, while Biden's was shown on ABC. Thursday's debate was shown on all the major cable and network news channels.

Nielsen's figures includes traditional TV as well as streaming on mobile devices and computers — which can comprise up to 11 percent of viewers.

Thursday's presidential debate was a stark contrast to the bombast of the candidates' first showdown last month. The candidates had their microphones muted during portions of the event to prevent interruptions, and Trump and Biden largely avoided the cross-talk that marred their prior debate.

About 47 million votes had already been cast by the end of the day Thursday, according to the U.S. Election Project.




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Lobbying firm cuts ties with Turkey under pressure


The lobbying firm Mercury Public Affairs has cut ties with the Turkish government following a pressure campaign by Armenian-American activists incensed by Turkey’s support for Azerbaijan in ongoing hostilities with Armenia.

The firm’s decision to scrap its $1 million contract with Turkey is a victory for Armenia in a conflict that’s playing out in Washington as well as the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh along Armenia’s border with Azerbaijan.

In the weeks since the long-running tensions between the countries flared on Sept. 27, Armenian-American activists have worked to deprive Azerbaijan and Turkey of what Aram Hamparian, the executive director of Armenian National Committee of America, described as some of their most potent weapons: their Washington lobbyists.

“A lot of people have bought a lot of summer homes and fishing boats and put their grandkids through college by lying about Armenia and covering up for Azerbaijan,” he said.

The Armenian National Committee and another group, the Armenian Assembly of America, tried to put pressure on Mercury by holding protests outside its offices in Washington and Los Angeles and urging Mercury’s clients to cut ties with the firm if it kept representing Turkey.

The campaign had an effect. Kathryn Barger, the chairwoman of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors, and Hilda Solis, a supervisor and former Labor secretary in the Obama administration, wrote to Mercury on Wednesday to urge the firm “to immediately sever any business ties with the Republic of Turkey.” (Mercury is a contractor to Los Angeles County, which is home to a large Armenian population.)

California state Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon and 16 other state lawmakers told Mercury on Thursday they wouldn’t engage with the firm as long as it represented Turkey. And the Los Angeles Community College District informed Mercury that it would “begin to exercise the 30-day termination clause” in its contract if Turkey remained a client.

Mercury declined to comment. The Turkish embassy didn’t respond to a request for comment.

The Armenian pressure campaign comes as Washington has started to turn its focus toward the fighting.

Rep. Jackie Speier (D-Calif.) introduced a resolution earlier this month condemning Azerbaijan and Turkey’s role in the conflict, which has drawn 67 co-sponsors. And Secretary of State Mike Pompeo met separately on Friday with the Armenian Foreign Minister Zohrab Mnatsakanyan and Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov in an effort to end hostilities.

Turkey and Azerbaijan aren’t bereft of lobbying power now without Mercury, which Turkey hired in January on a contract scheduled to run through the end of the year, according to a copy filed with the Justice Department. The firm was charged with helping to organize events that would let Turkey “connect with public policy stakeholders” and with advising the Turkish government on media relations.

Turkey also retains the lobbying firms Capitol Counsel and Greenberg Traurig while Azerbaijan’s government retains BGR Group, according to disclosure filings. The countries’ lobbyists include former Reps. Bill Delahunt (D-Mass.), Charles Boustany (R-La.), Randy Forbes (R-Va.) and Albert Wynn (D-Ma.).

The Armenian government, meanwhile, hired former Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole last month for help in Washington.

Another former lawmaker, former Rep. Bob Livingston (R-La.) of the Livingston Group, stopped representing Azerbaijan’s government last week, according to a disclosure filing, although it’s unclear whether Livingston was actually lobbying for the country.

Asmar Yusifzada, a spokesman for Azerbaijan’s embassy in Washington, wrote in an email to POLITICO that the country hadn’t had contact with Livingston in more than a decade.

Livingston didn’t respond to a request for comment. Capitol Counsel and Greenberg Traurig declined to comment.

Hamparian said he planned to ramp up pressure on BGR Group now that Mercury has capitulated. But BGR might be a tougher target: The firm said in a statement that it “intends to continue its representation of Azerbaijan."



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Opinion | Biden’s Slippery Tactic to Snuff the Court-Packing Debate


After dithering for a month over the charged question of whether he supported the expansion of the Supreme Court—a.k.a. “court-packing”—first he wouldn’t answer the question, then he said he would answer “when the election is over,” then he said he would answer before the election, Joe Biden finally proposed on Thursday the formation of a bipartisan commission after the election to “study” the issue.

“If elected, what I will do is, I’ll put together a national commission, a bipartisan commission of scholars, constitutional scholars, Democrats, Republicans, liberal, conservative,” Biden told Norah O’Donnell of CBS News. “I will ask them to, over 180 days, come back to me with recommendations as to how to reform the court system because it’s getting out of wack.”

This might be the most Biden thing Biden has ever said.

It is a truth universally acknowledged that the best way to kick the political can down the road is to call for a bipartisan commission to study it. Shifting the matter to a bipartisan commission makes it look as though progress is being made and it releases pressure on whoever might be the president to take a stand. By assigning the topic to a bipartisan gaggle of scholars or diplomats or politicians, the commission creates the illusion that the very political issue under question has been depoliticized. The bipartisan commission serves as both the broom and the rug in the act of sweeping something out of sight.

The only wonder of Biden’s proposal is that it took him so long to pitch it. During the primaries and before, he had counted himself as among the anti-court-packers. “Not a fan,” he had pronounced himself. But then Biden stumbled hard in late September when asked about court-packing in Wisconsin. He wasn’t going to answer, he said, because “it will shift the focus” and “then the whole [forthcoming presidential] debate is going to be about what Biden said or didn’t say, Biden said he would or wouldn’t.”

This nonanswer was like pouring honey over a dead javelina in the Sonoran Desert and daring the fire ants not to come for it. Even though both moderator Chris Wallace and President Donald Trump grilled him on court-packing at the Sept. 29 debate, he dodged their legitimate questions and continued to dodge until, a week ago, George Stephanopoulos of ABC News got him to promise a more substantive response before the election. Then O’Donnell finally elicited something passing for an answer this week.

Biden quivered at the question because he knew that an answer in the affirmative would look like a ploy to further politicize the court and result in a lot of angry yelling from Republicans. An answer in the negative, on the other hand, he had to know, would make him appear wishy-washy to the progressives in his party and prompt a lot of angry yelling from them. What Biden failed to anticipate was that giving no answer to the question might provoke angry yelling from everybody, which it did. Hence, his belated decision to commissionize the court-packing issue. Biden further submerged the court-packing issue by making his prospective commission’s study not just about court-packing but a complete “reform” of the judicial system, to be completed in 180 days after its establishment.

Some aspiring court-packers thought they saw through the Biden plan. Aaron Belkin of Take Back the Courts and Brian Fallon of Demand Justice told the New York Times that Biden was just stalling, which he probably was. But the candidate finally copped some potential relief from reporters by giving a more concrete answer than “I’m not saying.”

If Biden wins the election and gets the right to launch his commission, what can we expect it to deliver? Next to nothing in the absence of Democratic majorities in both congressional chambers. As Chicago Tribune columnist Steve Chapman wrote in 2014, bipartisan presidential commissions consistently produce one form of agreement—to ignore the commissions’ recommendations. Chapman highlights a few of the best-ignored recent commissions: Obama’s Presidential Commission on Election Administration, which was largely disregarded and his National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform (Simpson-Bowles), which was praised as much as it was snubbed. Writes Chapman, President George W. Bush pretty much did the opposite of what his 2006 Iraq Study Group recommended.

Just two years ago, Trump dissolved his Advisory Commission on Election Integrity when it became apparent that it couldn’t deliver the conclusion he sought. President Ronald Reagan round-filed the Gwirtzman Commission’s recommendations on Social Security and Medicare. And in 1972, President Richard Nixon famously buried a presidential commission’s advice to decriminalize marijuana and piloted the drug war to new altitudes.

To paraphrase Marcus Raskin, the law is just politics frozen in time. Expanding the number of judgeships, as the court packers and other expansionists propose, would give a future president the incalculable power to unfreeze the law and then make it solid again in his image. Such a judicial makeover might take decades for the Republicans to undo, so it’s impossible to imagine the bipartisan spirit guiding any prospective Republican commission member to sign on to a “recommendation” like this that would voluntarily cede back to Democrats the judicial upper hand they have worked so hard over the past decades to secure. The commission members will surely fight every battle to a draw and settle on only the most anodyne recommendations.

The best reason to bother with either proposing or establishing a commission—and I think this is where Biden is coming from—is to defuse his party’s drive to retake the judicial branch just long enough to allow him to start packing the court the old-fashioned way: Year by year, one replacement judge after another.

******

Not even President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the most popular modern president, succeeded in packing the court. And Joe Biden is no Franklin D. Roosevelt. Send court-packing ideas to Shafer.Politico@gmail.com. My email alerts and Twitter seek appointments to a presidential commission to study the abolition of my RSS feed.



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Thursday, October 22, 2020

‘The Debates, Like Everything Else in 2020, Were a Dumpster Fire’


Anyone tuning into Thursday night’s debate could be forgiven for thinking they had stepped into some kind of alternate campaign timeline—with two political vets trading the normal kinds of jabs, in normal tones, with normal levels of spin.

Where was the chaos? The shouting? The rule-busting? And didn’t all those viewers claiming to be there for the policy arguments miss the theater just a little?

American voters only got two presidential debates in the 2020 general election, and in a normal year this one would have been hotly anticipated and carefully picked over, as Donald Trump and Joe Biden jabbed at each other over money, immigration, racial justice and their support for the oil industry. But as of the start time, close to 50 million Americans had already voted, and polls are locked in as they’ve ever been—so perhaps the biggest question is whether it was possible for this debate to change anything at all. And after this bizarre debate season—a meltdown, a cancellation, a rogue fly and this almost shockingly orthodox interaction, with a mute button—is it time to change what we really expect from debates?

We asked a roster of operatives, campaign analysts and other political insiders what they saw on stage Thursday night, both for the candidates and for debates themselves.

Some saw an argument for blowing up the format for good, but others were almost heartened at the return, very late in the game, to an almost normal-looking kind of politics. Here’s how they all sized it up.

‘Debates are supposed to be televised job interviews, not a form of reality TV’

For the first half-hour of this debate, Trump showed he is capable of heeding advice, specifically the advice he has been receiving to tone things down. If that version of Trump had persisted for the duration of the evening, he might have won on the basis of exceeding expectations. But he didn’t, thanks to a misguided attempt to tar Biden with a convoluted scandal that made zero sense. As the debate went on, Trump burrowed further and further down the rabbit hole, which at the end of the night is where he ended up.

Biden, meanwhile, maintained a calm but steady presence, which was all he really needed to do. Delivering his message cogently and with appropriate feeling, the former vice president emerged from the event with no reason to fret about his lead in the polls. A stand-out moment for the former VP: his impassioned denouncement of the Trump administration’s separation of immigrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border.

So, what does the 2020 cycle bode for the 60-year-old institution of presidential debates? I’ll take a contrarian position and say that, despite Trump’s efforts to subvert the exercise, especially in round one, this year’s debates gave voters meaningful and valuable insights into the candidates as human beings, most notably the contrast between the two. While it’s true that substantive matters deserved more attention, in large measure the debates did what debates are supposed to do: reveal how the candidates comport themselves under intense pressure in an unscripted, unchoreographed environment.

The problem is not that debates are outmoded, or that the formats need updating, or that the moderators didn’t exert enough control, or that the Commission on Presidential Debates has lost its grip. The problem is that particular candidates can decide to violate the norms of electoral debates. When that happens, no one is satisfied. Post-Trump, I expect presidential debates will revert to their original conception. Debates are supposed to be televised job interviews that put voters in the driver’s seat, not a form of reality TV. The second 2020 debate was an example of the former, and the first 2020 debate an example of the latter.

‘I doubt this debate meant much for the election’

In practice, I doubt this debate meant much for the election. Few undecided voters remain. A lot of votes have already been cast early or by mail. I’d like to think this debate presented a template for candidates not being able to filibuster past time or interrupt each other quite so much, but I’m unconvinced the format will be used past this cycle. In 2024, we’re likely to have a whole fresh slew of more conventional politicians running, so I suspect I will be back to bog-standard debates as per normal.

‘It’s fair to wonder whether debates have run their course’

What did this debate mean for the election? Not much. What did this election mean for debates? Quite a bit.

Let’s start with Thursday night. Viewers saw a relatively substantive debate, at least compared to last time (admittedly, a low bar). The 90-minute session highlighted fundamental differences between Donald Trump and Joe Biden’s positions on coronavirus, immigration, family separation, North Korea, science, institutional racism, health care, climate change and leadership.

Beyond policy details, the candidates also articulated disparate visions for the country. Trump argued that a Biden presidency would be an economic disaster. Biden argued that a second term for Trump would result in countless deaths and misery. Trump scored political points by doubling down on his bravado and business experience. Biden scored points by leaning into his empathy and political successes. Trump closed the night by stoking fear. Biden ended on a note of unity. In a nutshell, no surprises.

There were also few surprises as far as performance metrics are concerned. After a disastrous first debate, Trump needed to demonstrate that he could refrain from being a bully for an hour and a half. And he did. Digressions about small windows, low IQs and “tree programs” notwithstanding, Trump remained generally well-disciplined.

Biden needed to show the American people that his strong first debate performance wasn’t a fluke—that he could, with mental acuity, provide detailed responses to a broad array of questions. And he did. Sure there were some awkward phrases—“rolling around in bed” and “minimum mandatories,” if we’re going to be petty—but Biden remained in control of the facts and his rhetoric.

And that’s why it mattered little for the election. The candidates showed us who we already know them to be.

More significant than what Thursday’s debate means for Election 2020, then, is what Election 2020 means for debates. Historically, debates provided a rare opportunity for voters to see candidates side-by-side, answering serious questions, and laying out a vision for the country. It’s unclear that most ever did much to change minds, but they certainly provided information to citizens as they prepared to cast votes.

With the proliferation of the information environment, the ease with which campaigns can communicate directly with voters, and the rise of partisan polarization, though, it is difficult to make the case that debates still serve their original functions. Indeed, Election 2020 put that reality on clear display for the American people. Voters know Trump and Biden. They’ve seen them campaign for a year. They have strong opinions about each. They’re willing to believe information that’s consistent with their predispositions and dismiss that which isn’t. Assuming that the Presidential Debate Commission could even find a respectable journalist willing to moderate a future event, it’s fair to wonder whether debates have run their course. They might simply be the latest casualty in an election cycle filled with death and despair.

‘Trump is headed toward a public firing on Nov 3, and he knows it’

The Trump campaign's decision to spend the last year lowering expectations for Joe Biden might turn out to be the most consequential mistake of this election. Biden didn’t move the earth with his performance Thursday night, but he certainly looked prepared, energetic and ready to be the next president. The president didn’t just lower the bar for Joe Biden, he also lowered the bar for himself. After storming out of an interview with “60 Minutes” and backing out of debate No. 2, he didn’t repeat his strategy from the first debate of interrupting Biden at every turn. But he certainly didn’t pretend to act presidential or try to expand his support. Like usual, Trump played to his base and absolutely no one else.

Neither candidate moved the needle, but for the Biden campaign, that was exactly the strategy. Don’t make headlines, and don’t do anything to distract away from Trump’s imploding presidency. The clock is quickly running out for the president. Millions of Americans have already voted, and it’s looking like they’re doing so in historic numbers. This isn’t 2016, and he can’t rely on a slew of last-minute miracles to save him. This debate was one of the last chances Trump had to revive his spiraling campaign and he wasn’t able to land a punch. Trump is headed toward a public firing on Nov 3, and he knows it.

The debate commission did the best they could with the most unpredictable candidate in human history. The debates, like everything else in 2020, were a dumpster fire. But I’m confident this race will be an outlier. We need debates; we just also need two adults to participate in them.

‘This debate meant more for debates than it did for the election’

This debate meant more for debates than it did for the election. Momentum is with the Biden-Harris ticket, and this final debate was an opportunity for the president to arrest and perhaps reverse that. It didn't happen. Despite repeated attempts by Trump to agitate him with attacks on family and charges of corruption, Biden remained focused and spoke to his reputation for honesty, truth telling and character. The president did not use his response time to talk about his record on the economy, arguably his strongest issue with voters.

Far different from the first presidential debate on September 29, which dissolved into a three-way shouting match, this forum was civil if not respectful, and largely responsive to the moderator's questions. Congratulations to Kristen Welker for a job well done and to the debate commission for finally understanding that rules and discipline provide a better debate product than chaos and rancor.

Candidates have many tools at their disposal for sharing their policy ideas and approach to leadership and governing. What debates provide is an opportunity to see the candidates up close, candid and under pressure. Arguably one of the single most important events in this general election was the first debate, with another being the president's refusal to participate virtually in the second debate and his participation instead in a network town hall. Those events, coming as record breaking early voting was underway, have made a difference in the trajectory of this race.

Debates are still useful, but the commission needs to take a serious look at its successes and failures over this cycle and the last and determine the best way to provide a relevant forum to voters.

‘We’re impressed when the participants obey the agreed-upon rules. How very sad’

I give this debate three shoulder shrugs and one thumbs up. No matter what the campaigns say, the final forum won’t change many minds—because there aren’t many minds that aren’t made up. Plus, about 45 million Americans had voted before the debate started. If this giant chunk of the electorate tuned in at all, their votes were unaffected.

President Trump did prove one thing: When he wants to, he can act more or less like an adult. Problem is, he rarely has that desire. Pundits fell all over themselves to announce at the conclusion that the incumbent had “stopped the bleeding,” whatever that means. Unfortunately, many Covid patients hanging by a thread will be unable to do the same.

Joe Biden is not Cicero. He is never going to be Cicero. Yet he was vigorous and cogent for more than 90 minutes, which punctures the GOP slander that he is suffering from dementia.

Perhaps because I was fascinated as a child watching the 1960 Kennedy-Nixon faceoffs, I have always been a debate enthusiast. In 2020, debates have become more of an unpleasant chore. Our standards have fallen so low that we’re impressed when the participants obey the agreed-upon rules. How very sad—one more indication of the sickness that has infected the American political system.

‘Unlikely to provide anyone a lasting bump’

This debate looked a lot more like debates we saw in 2016. There was more policy substance than the first debate of this cycle (though it's not hard to beat zero). Both candidates made a few blunders, but none was insurmountable. Nothing happened to change the course of the race.

Biden’s goal was to do no harm, and while he may not have helped himself with answers about Obama’s immigration policy or healthcare, his performance didn’t hurt his current positive trajectory. Trump is running behind in the national polls and several key state polls, and while his performance Thursday was nowhere near the outlandish behavior he showed in the first debate, he didn't do enough to affect the current course.

Trump's best line was telling Texans that Biden wants to eliminate the oil industry. Even though the claim is implausible, the very fact that Texas is now in play is a bad sign for Republicans. Trump’s line might turn out to be effective damage control, but it’s hard to believe that an undecided voter tuned in and found that line to be the clincher.

Biden was more aggressive in his posture at this event, which some Democrats will appreciate. Overall, Biden made more of a connection with his audience through eye contact and personalized anecdotes than Trump did, which is a classic political strategy that Biden uses to good effect. There’s one Scaramucci (11 days) left in the 2020 campaign, and this final exchange between the candidates is unlikely to provide anyone a lasting bump.

In the context of growing partisan polarization, when there are fewer undecided voters, debates are less and less relevant. But they are still the only opportunity for the public to observe candidates in a direct interaction with one another, a valuable exercise in political discourse.

‘Trump impressed just by not seeming out of control’

Having set the bar ridiculously low in his last few appearances, President Trump impressed just by not seeming out of control Thursday night. But if he was more conversational, it made it easier to hear him clearly when he declared himself the least racist person in the room, or criticized a public option, or talked about the great care the children he orphaned get, or made fun of Joe Biden talking to Americans about their own families, or declined to answer good questions from Kristen Welker about Covid or the Talk. None of that was news from him, and his fans were not embarrassed by his tone this time, so Trump won Most Improved.

Joe Biden did not have his most triumphant outing: He got more righteously angry as the night went on, which mostly worked, but he spent most of the night talking to Welker or Trump, mostly not looking directly into the camera to talk to the folks at home, which he’d done effectively in the first debate. But he was ready for Trump’s Hunter attack—countering with a call for Trump to release his taxes, which knocked Trump back into a meek, dog-ate-my-homework response. And despite not hitting home runs on every answer, he more than held his own making his case on his popular policy positions. His empathy shone through, his command of the issues showed and he carried himself like an American president.

This probably stops the narrative of Trump growing increasingly unhinged, for a night at least, but it doesn’t change many opinions about who should lead our country. For the front-runner, that's a win.

‘A draw’

The final showdown between Donald Trump and Joe Biden was a draw: Trump didn’t repeat his horrible first debate antics, and Biden didn’t do anything to hurt himself or his lead in the national polls. As for the debates themselves, as we head into 2024, I think we will see very different models of how we engage voters and the public in the political process. Presidential debates today are not real debates. I was captain of my high school debate team, and these debates pale in comparison. America needs to reenergize the public square starting in 2021. We need real debates, on topics that the people choose. I think the debate commission failed in two out of the three debates this cycle. Thursday night, Kristen Welker did an amazing job as the moderator. There was no drama. And democracy was served better for it.

‘By the standards of any normal presidential year, this would be a terrible debate’

By the standards of any normal presidential year, this would be a terrible debate, but by the standards of the 2020 campaign—which included one bizarre presidential meltdown and one canceled debate—this was as close as America is going to get to anything like a real debate. I find it perplexing, however, that Kristen Welker’s moderation is receiving so much praise. While Donald Trump clearly was in fear of the new mute button threat, he quickly realized not only that it would not be used, but that his week spent attacking Welker was time well spent. As he gained more confidence, he bulldozed Welker for the last word on every subject, and the result was a “debate” where Joe Biden had to explain his policy proposals in detail, while Trump told recycled rally stories. Trump was then allowed to bat cleanup on almost every question, forcing Biden to deny charges or challenge outright falsehoods with just seconds to spare—often leading Welker to grant Trump yet another response. Others have praised the single-moderator format, but perhaps we should return to a two-moderator panel in order to vary the interaction between the candidates and the questioners over 90 minutes.

‘Biden stayed ahead’

Trump might’ve interrupted less than the last debate, but the substance of his response was utterly lacking and steeped in falsehoods about many things including Covid, immigration, healthcare, his taxes and his bank account in China. His most energetic jabs at Biden came in the form of repeating right-wing accusations against Hunter Biden, rather than attacks on Joe Biden’s record. Biden is strongest when he uses his empathy to discuss policies and appeals to the American people. He did that again on Thursday, talking directly to the camera to address families who have been affected by Covid and who are regularly affected by racism. He talked about what he would do to improve healthcare. He refused to hit back against the Trump family when the president attacked Biden about his family. In this debate, Biden stayed ahead, and Trump did little to dent that lead.

I believe debate formats have been forever changed because of the pandemic. Virtual debates should be considered moving forward, and the mute button should be used more. Even though this debate was well moderated, it is important to hear each candidate, especially if there are multiple candidates in the primaries. Debates can still help change the course of an election, or they can cement existing perceptions of a candidate.

‘Any voter who learned anything new must have been on a very long hiking trip for the past year’

For decades now, what we charitably call “presidential debates” have rarely been anything more than competitions to make the opposing nominee make some stupid gaffe, get caught in an obvious lie or appear hostile to some significant constituency of voters. No one really expects a serious exchange of views on critical issues, nor does the media or the public demand one.

On at least two brief occasions, Thursday night’s performers, excuse me, contenders did lay out substantive differences about critical issues. Biden made a spirited case for raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour; Trump argued that to do so would be an impossible burden on small business owners in some states but perhaps not others. Biden outlined his ambitious plan for a transition to renewable energy, while Trump claimed that it would be both too expensive and destroy the oil industry.

For the most part, however, each man jabbed at his opponent in predictable, intermittently effective ways and revealed, yet again, personalities that have either attracted or repelled millions. Trump did nothing but scorn Biden as a do-nothing politician who somehow hid his role as the mastermind of a great corruption scheme. Biden was most comfortable talking about policies he would implement—and damning Trump for mishandling the pandemic. Any voter who learned anything new must have been on a very long hiking trip for the past year or so, without a smartphone.

Trump probably reassured his base voters, while Biden contented his. Neither said anything to shake my conviction that the outcome of this election should be—and I think will be—decided by how voters respond to an update of the famous question Ronald Reagan asked during the sole debate in 1980: Are you and your country better off now than four years ago?

‘Biden, for some reason, still can't get it together on two issues’

Unpopular opinion: While Biden might have scored most of the essential "fact check" and empathy points to achieve a technical win, Trump was still given way too much leg room to look, oddly … rational, as chillingly sinister as he was in all of his answers.

For Trump, the campaign right now is about parasitically eating away at the edges of whatever slice of voters he can find that are doubtful enough, while simultaneously engineering voter suppression strategies to eliminate other voters. He knows he can't win by a landslide; he can only win by cheating and/or creating confusion in the public discourse. This debate could have achieved some of that goal. Then again, perhaps some of us are worrying too much. If you're a Democratic strategist or in Biden's camp, you're quietly sweating (and frantically spinning away) that Trump was less combative, was less cantankerous and looked much smoother, despite buckets of lies and obfuscation.

Biden, for some reason, still can't get it together on two issues: 1) the 1994 crime bill and 2) fracking. He needs to resolve the first because it's having a severe impact on sorely needed Black voter support. And he needs to answer the second question more smoothly because he'll lose Pennsylvania if he doesn't. On the crime bill, he just can't come up with the effective response that's there for the taking: “Since when did you care about Black men in jail, Mr. President, when you were buying ads in the New York Times to punish five innocent Black teenagers and call yourself Mr. Law and Order who wants to use police to kill Black men?” Or he could simply apologize and say, “If we knew back then what we know now…” On fracking, he could simply say, “Look, these are the jobs gained from a new, clean energy economy, and these are the jobs stagnant or lost in an old-school fossil fuel economy.”

Still, Trump continued to showcase his utter lack of compassion for anything or anyone that exists outside of himself. Perhaps viewers got a sense of that. Or perhaps they didn't.

Ultimately, we do know that presidential debates are changed forever. Use of the mute button wasn't all that remarkable or frequent, even, but it will probably stay on as a staple of debate life. Viewers are going to demand debates that are full of substance and clear exchanges on policy platforms rather than screaming matches. There will be a thirst for more structure, and for more control and discipline from moderators. We’ll also probably see an effort dedicating more time to townhall formats and issue-specific events.

‘The debates themselves are due for a makeover’

Who knew that Hunter Biden, the ne’er-do-well son of Joe, represents the greatest foreign policy issue confronting America? Donald Trump tried his mightiest to elevate the piffle, much of which comes from Russia with malice, about Hunter’s putative dealings with Ukraine, China and goodness knows where else to depict Joe as a Napoleon of crime. It flopped. Trump wanted a cage match, but he barely landed a punch as he descended into a fantastic bog of conspiracy theories that was intelligible only to the initiated. As Trump thrashed about, Biden seized the opportunity to highlight Trump’s own massive self-dealing as president, suggesting that here was a case of projection if there ever was one.

The kerfuffle over Hunter’s peccadilloes was symptomatic of the entire debate. Sure, Trump was more restrained than the last debate, and Biden less openly derisive. But a substantive debate on foreign policy or any other issue? It remained as elusive as a Covid vaccine.

The debates themselves are due for a makeover. The calamity that took place in the first debate was narrowly avoided this time, as Trump sought to restrain himself and Kristen Welker periodically rapped his knuckles. In future debates, the role of the moderator should be enhanced, including putting him or her on the same physical plane as the candidates and employing a buzzer to cut off candidates when they exceed their allotted time.

‘Donald Trump fundamentally needed to change the terms of this election, and he did not’

To put it bluntly, the president is f---ed. Fifty million people have voted. Donald Trump fundamentally needed to change the terms of this election, and he did not. On healthcare, coronavirus and climate, he failed again to articulate a plan to help Americans with pre-existing conditions, unemployed from coronavirus or facing unprecedented wildfires. Snap polls show that debate watchers think he lost the debate and came off as untrustworthy. Meanwhile, Biden gave his best answers yet on climate change, showing that he’s listening to the scientific experts, the unions representing impacted workers and the communities on the frontlines of pollution and poverty. He has outlined a positive vision of how to govern for all Americans and the communities that are hurting most. Snap polling shows that a majority of voters think Biden’s plans to guide the economy to recovery are stronger.

‘Attempting to control Trump is not for the faint of heart’

Hallelujah! The muting of each candidate during his opponent’s opening answers might have actually resurrected some sense of what a presidential debate should look like. We could actually hear the contenders speak. Going into the debate, I feared for Kristin Welker, the moderator, given Trump’s propensity for attacking and demeaning women, particularly Black women. Thankfully, he did not tell her she was “rude” or “hostile,” as he reportedly once said to veteran journalist April Ryan. He didn’t tell her to “be nice” and “not threatening,” as he once said to PBS NewsHour’s Yamiche Alcindor. Nor did he call Welker a “monster,” as he has said of Senator Kamala Harris. NBC’s Welker had complete control, and, as we saw just a few weeks ago, attempting to control Trump is not for the faint of heart.

Thursday’s debate succeeded in doing exactly what our democracy demands. It gave the American public an opportunity to judge the content of the character of the men who wish to lead the greatest nation on earth. If you were unable to do so before Thursday night, you should now be able to answer the question of what you want our nation to stand for. Will we elect a man who sees the nation as red states and blue states, or a man who, as Biden said, would be an “American president”? Will we elect a man who seemingly has no remorse for the 223,000 Americans who have died of Covid-19, or the more than 44,000 children who were diagnosed with the virus in the past week alone? Will we elect a man who compares himself to Abraham Lincoln, and believes that he has done more for the African American community than any other president? Will we elect a man who is responsible for separating 545 children from their parents at the border and has no plan to reunite them? Will we elect a man who throws out terms meant to divide us—“the China virus,” “coyotes” “pigs in a blanket,” “AOC plus three”—and then declares that he’s the least racist person in the room?

Biden was superb; this was arguably the best debate performance he has ever had. He had the tone, tenor, demeanor and empathy of the president that so many Americans long for. He was almost “Obamaesque,” and succeeded in reminding the American public and the world what our nation stood for four very long years ago.

Trump’s behavior and the dizzying number of primary candidates this cycle have probably changed presidential debates forever, but we need debates, muting or not. When done well, they can reflect what the soul of our nation can and should be.

‘We can expect that future presidential debates will include muted microphones’

In the second and final presidential debate, Americans witnessed a much less raucous, more coherent, and more substantive—in other words, a more normal—discussion than the first debate just three weeks ago. That being said, it is safe to say the 90-minute exchange between President Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden will likely not fundamentally alter the presidential race, with over 48 million Americans having already voted, and so few Americans who remain undecided.

However, in my view, President Trump’s performance was measured, on message and controlled. Thus, for any remaining undecided voters and Republican-oriented voters who may have been discouraged by the president’s chaotic first debate, Trump’s performance Thursday night likely reassured these voters, and may even have led some to return to the fold. Moreover, the president’s performance established that, while Biden is ahead, the former vice president’s victory is not a forgone conclusion. And make no mistake, it is within the realm of possibility that President Trump will stage a comeback that is reminiscent of his upset in 2016.

Furthermore, while this debate may have not transformed the 2020 presidential race in any meaningful way, this new debate structure will likely become the new rule in all presidential debates going forward, and will redefine how presidential debates are conducted. Given the improved tone and tenor of this discussion, we can expect that future presidential debates will include muted microphones, strict procedures and defined speaking times—not to mention the overwhelmingly negative reaction that the first presidential debate elicited from voters across the aisle, and the damage that unhinged debates inevitably have on our discourse and democracy.



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6 things to watch for in tonight’s debate


Donald Trump is down to his last chance — and it isn’t even a good one.

Joe Biden is up in polls with less than two weeks to go. More than 46 million people have already voted, and the number of people who say they’re undecided is roughly equal to the number of people who lie.

In other words, it’s late and Trump is losing. And debates don’t usually alter the course of presidential campaigns.

What Trump will have to hope is that tonight is an exception to the rule. If the fundamentals of the race are more favorable to Trump than polls suggest, after all, even a marginal lift from the debate could prove significant.

At least that’s what Republicans are banking on. Here’s what we’re watching for in the year’s final debate:

One last chance to flip the script



Trump’s braying in the first debate, in September, wasn’t bad just for debates. It was bad for him.

His constant interruptions turned off viewers, who scored Biden as the winner once they pulled their jaws up off the floor. Trump’s polling deficit widened slightly after the debate.

The problem for Trump is that his behavior made it all about him. What he desperately needs is to turn the electorate’s focus to Biden.

It may not be possible. Trump can talk about Biden’s family and his “47 years” of government experience all he wants. But Trump is the incumbent, while a raging pandemic has killed more than 220,000 Americans and left the economy in tatters.

The topics tonight likely won’t help Trump. They include “Fighting Covid-19,” “Race in America” and “Climate Change,” all of which will come with a ready-made indictment of his record.

Paging Hunter Biden



Desperate to put his opponent on defense, Trump has signaled he’ll press Biden on the disclosure in the New York Post of emails allegedly belonging to Biden’s son Hunter Biden.

But how, exactly, does Trump think this is going to go? The president will raise the question — or if he’s lucky, moderator Kristen Welker will. Biden will call it “garbage” and a “smear.” Trump will respond that Biden is a criminal. Repeat once or twice and the debate will move on.

There’s a reason that Hunter Biden was not included on the list of topics for the final debate. Unlike the coronavirus or race in America, Biden’s son is not at the top of voters’ minds. And the story is dubious enough that it will be hard for Trump to implant it there.

Dozens of former senior intelligence officials this week signed on to a letter casting doubt on the disclosure, saying it “has all the classic earmarks of a Russian information operation,” though Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe said Monday it is not.

Do Democrats have anything to worry about?

Yes, but just a little.

One benefit for Democrats of Trump’s implosion in the first debate is that — except for the time he called Trump a “clown” — nobody paid much attention to Biden.

He’s probably not going to self-destruct onstage. But Biden hasn’t always been a consistent debater, and with his opponent’s microphone muted for two minutes at the start of each 15-minute segment tonight, he will have a lot of time to fill.

“I worry what happens when he has two uninterrupted minutes,” one Democratic strategist in Washington said. “He needs to keep it tight and on point.”

Still, that’s a pretty low bar. Michael Steel, a Republican strategist, said that if Biden “doesn’t pee himself on stage … he will have exceeded expectations.”

It’s as much about Nov. 4 as Nov. 3

If Biden wins in a landslide, as polls suggest is possible, there probably isn’t much that Trump can do.

But if polls are off and it’s close, Trump has left no doubt what’s coming — Republican challenges to the election’s legitimacy that Trump predicts will end up in the Supreme Court.

Tonight, Trump will have an opportunity to prime the public for that possibility – to further normalize his baseless claims about widespread voter fraud and a “rigged” election.

Consider how far we’ve come in four years. During the final debate of the 2016 campaign, the audience gasped when Trump declined to commit to accepting the results of the election. Now it’s news if Trump says he will accept a peaceful transition of power if he loses, as he suggested he would — though with a heavy “but” — last week (“Yes, I will, but want it to be an honest election, and so does everybody else,” he said.)

On Wednesday night, FBI Director Christopher Wray said that “you should be confident that your vote counts,” and that “early, unverified claims to the contrary should be viewed with a healthy dose of skepticism.”

But many voters aren’t confident the election will be conducted in a fair and equal way. That’s a base that Trump will be speaking to tonight.

Refining the dodge



For a campaign that has made few missteps — and, yes, benefited from a heavy dose of good fortune — Biden’s tortured dodging of the Supreme Court expansion question has been painful to watch.

First, he wouldn’t address it. Then he acknowledged he is “not a fan” of the idea but left open the possibility that he could be supportive. He said voters deserved to have a clear answer and pledged to give them one before Election Day — as if his objection to Amy Coney Barrett’s appointment in the first place wasn’t based on the fact that millions of people are already voting.

And after all that, what has Biden landed on? The oldest non-answer in the book. If elected, he told CBS’ Norah O’Donnell in an interview that will air this weekend, he will convene a bipartisan commission to examine judicial reforms.

It should have been easy for Biden to come up with that. You have to wonder what took him so long, and whether Trump can make him pay even a small price for indecision.

To train wreck or not

It wasn’t the moderator’s fault — or the media’s — that Trump came unglued in the first debate. But there is a perverse incentive attached to events that are designed as much for the resulting coverage as for the immediate viewing audience. Conflict and outrage generate interest. Less, though, thoughtful dialogue.

“The media’s hypocrisy is that they want a car wreck, and then they complain about a car wreck,” said Pat McCrory, the former Republican governor of North Carolina.

Whatever happens, be wary of reading too much into the debate’s effect on the outcome. Earlier debates tend to matter more than later ones, and even disastrous performances can be overcome. Following the final debate of the 2016 election, it was not uncommon to read headlines such as this one: “Clinton Probably Finished Off Trump Last night.

What was true at the time was that Clinton outperformed Trump in the debate. It’s just that it didn’t matter as much as it seemed to at the time.



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Man accused of death threat against Flynn judge is denied release before trial


A New York man accused of threatening the judge overseeing the prosecution of former Trump national security adviser Michael Flynn will not be released from jail before trial, a federal judge ruled on Thursday.

Frank Caporusso, 52, pleaded not guilty on Tuesday to one count of threatening to assault or murder a federal judge in order to interfere with his official duties, and one count of making an interstate threat in connection with a voicemail left earlier this year, and U.S. Magistrate Judge Michael Harvey ruled on Thursday against Caporusso’s petition for pretrial release.

Documents unsealed by the court did not identify the target of Caporusso’s alleged threat, but reports named U.S. District Court Judge Emmett Sullivan as the recipient of the voicemail.

In an arraignment hearing on Tuesday afternoon, Assistant U.S. Attorney Rachel Fletcher appeared to confirm as much, disclosing under pressure from Harvey that the “Flynn matter” was in front of the judge who received the threat.

At around 8:30 p.m. on May 14, prosecutors say, Caporusso called the judge’s chamber and left a roughly 30-second, expletive-laden voicemail.

“You will not be safe,” the voicemail said. “A hot piece of lead will cut through your skull. You bastard. You will be killed, and I don’t give a f--k who you are. Back out of this bulls--t before it’s too late, or we'll start cutting down your staff.”

According to court filings, the anonymous voicemail ended by saying: “This is not a threat. This is a promise.”

Though the voicemail came from an unknown sender and without caller ID, prosecutors obtained phone records from AT&T that show a number registered to Caporusso since 2003 placed a call to the judge’s chambers at the same time and lasting roughly the same length as the voicemail.

A day earlier, Sullivan announced that he had appointed a former federal judge in New York to argue against the government’s unusual bid to dismiss the case against Flynn, an ally of President Donald Trump. Flynn pleaded guilty in December 2017 to lying to FBI agents about whether he discussed U.S. sanctions on Russia with its ambassador prior to Trump’s inauguration.

Sullivan also said he was seeking a recommendation on whether to charge Flynn with perjury for recanting on his admission of guilt.


A defense attorney for Caporusso, David Benowitz, argued earlier this week that his client should be released ahead of his trial, noting that the government had not uncovered any further plot or plan to threaten the judge or his staff in the government’s five-month investigation.

He asserted that by waiting more than three months to arrest Caporusso after homing in on him as a suspect less than a week after the threatening voicemail, the government had undermined its contention that Caporusso would be a flight risk.

Benowitz rejected the prosecutor’s claim that the more than 100-day span between his client’s interview and arrest was because of a delay while investigators sought to verify Caporusso’s claims of his phone number having been “spoofed.”

“I can’t imagine in this type of case, where the government is alleging there is a danger, that it takes them that long to get cell site data,” he said. “That just doesn’t pass the smell test.”

In his ruling on Thursday, the judge said he did not factor in the government’s delay in filing charges against Caporusso, arguing he did not want to speculate about the reason for the lapsed time and appear as if he were giving prosecutors incentive to rush through investigations.

Harvey agreed that Caporusso had demonstrated he was not at serious risk of flight, but that the severity of the crimes Caporusso is accused of — as well as the lack of capability to monitor his phone and internet usage while on release — outweighed those considerations.

“It took only 40 seconds and a phone line to commit the crime the defendant has been charged with,” Harvey said in Thursday’s hearing. “I know of no condition or combination of conditions that can reasonably assure he won’t have the opportunity to make another threat if he were released.”

The judge cited evidence provided by the government that Caporusso had sought to reach the judge’s chambers multiple times, even after the voicemail function for the judge in question had been turned off, and noted that the threatening voicemail also targeted the judge’s staff.

Caporusso faces up to 15 years in prison if convicted on both counts.

The caller, he said, “does not sound unhinged, out of his mind or intoxicated,” and “confirms his own seriousness” at the end of the voicemail, and took steps to mask his identity — ruling out what friends of Caporusso surmised in letters to the judge must have been a momentary lapse in judgment.

Also factoring in his decision, Harvey said, was that the threat demonstrated a “profound disrespect in the judiciary that undermines my confidence that the caller would comply with court-ordered conditions of release set by a judge,” including not making any other threats.

Moreover, Harvey pointed to half a dozen long guns that Caporusso owns, saying that they spoke to the means to carry out the specific threat that was made.

At the top of the hearing, Harvey said that although neither party was seeking his recusal from the case, as is common in cases involving colleagues on the bench, he had assessed whether to recuse himself and concluded that he would be able to adjudicate the initial proceedings of Caporusso’s case fairly.

Caporusso is set appear before the judge assigned to oversee the rest of his case, U.S. District Court Judge Trevor McFadden, next Thursday.




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Trump executive order strips protections for key federal workers, drawing backlash


President Donald Trump has issued an executive order that would remove job protections for many federal workers, in a move that unions and other critics denounced as an attempt to politicize the civil service.

The order, signed Wednesday evening, targets workers that are involved in developing policy. It would reclassify workers "in positions of a confidential, policy-determining, policy-making, or policy-advocating character" that are "not normally subject to change as a result of a Presidential transition" into a new category called Schedule F, according to the text.

Under the new schedule, they would be exempt from protections that apply to most federal workers — allowing agencies to hire and fire them more easily and quickly. The Senior Executive Service, which consists of those serving in high-level positions just below presidential appointees, is exempt from the order, according to an emailed statement from the White House.

Agencies must determine which employees fit the description and reclassify them under the new schedule. They have 90 days, or until Jan. 19 -- the day before the next presidential inauguration — to do so. They must also "expeditiously petition" the Federal Labor Relations Authority to remove the positions in question from any bargaining unit, preventing union participation, the order reads.

The change will "enhance accountability for Federal employees who are responsible for making policy decisions that significantly affect the American people," the statement from the White House read. The order itself says that with the help of the new schedule, agencies can more efficiently weed out "poor performers."

Unions and Democrats were quick to criticize the move as a bid to inject politics into the public sector workforce.

“This is the most profound undermining of the civil service in our lifetimes," American Federation of Government Employees President Everett Kelley said in a statement Thursday. "The president has doubled down on his effort to politicize and corrupt the professional service."

"This executive order strips due process rights and protections from perhaps hundreds of thousands of federal employees and will enable political appointees and other officials to hire and fire these workers at will."

Though it's unclear how many employees would be affected, the order provides a potentially sweeping list: Those who are responsible for drafting regulations; perform "substantive policy-related work"; supervise attorneys; report to presidential appointees; or negotiate collective bargaining agreements are among those who could be reclassified.


The order comes less than two weeks before a presidential election in which Trump is fighting hard to win a second term. It blurs the line between political appointees and career employees: If Trump wins, the change would make it easier to remove civil servants who do not agree with his administration's policies. If he loses, it could, in theory, make it easier for political appointees to transition into civil servant roles, allowing them to stay beyond the transition.

"I‘ve been warning for some time that, if Trump is re-elected, he’ll work to politicize the civil service and set America on a path back to the 19th century, when the spoils system made Feds loyal to political patrons," former Office of Government Ethics Director Walter Shaub tweeted. "That‘s bad if you don’t like corruption and abuses of power."

Democrats indicated they may try to stop the order.

“President Trump’s new executive order would overturn a 150-year-old precedent that created an expert non-partisan civil service and return us to the ‘spoils system’ of political governance," House Oversight Chair Carolyn Maloney (D-N.Y.) said in a statement. "Congress must ensure President Trump isn’t allowed to politicize these critical policy positions.”



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Wednesday, October 21, 2020

Trump national security adviser says president will respect results of election


BATH, Maine — Robert O’Brien, President Donald Trump’s national security adviser, said on Wednesday that Trump would accept the results of the election if he loses on Nov. 3.

“If he loses, of course he will,” he said in an interview with POLITICO on a trip to visit two naval shipyards in Maine. Such a question has become a hot topic in Washington because of how, until recently, Trump has muddied the waters on whether he would let a peaceful transfer of power happen if he loses in less than two weeks.

“If he loses the election, I’m certain the president will transfer power over but we’ve got to make sure there’s no fraud in the election and we need to make sure it’s a free and fair election, just like we demand of other countries overseas, we need to make the demand of ourselves,” O’Brien added.

He also said that he thought that the initial question that kicked off the controversy asking whether Trump would commit to a peaceful transfer of power was “silly” because the reporter didn’t preface it with the qualification that the transfer would only happen if Trump lost.

When asked whether he was confident Trump would win re-election, O’Brien would not say, instead saying he “hope he wins re-election” and pointed to Trump’s “unparalleled” foreign policy record and saying that the administration has done more on foreign policy issues in the last year than most administrations have done in two terms. Such accomplishments, he said, include NATO allies committing to spending an extra $400 billion on defense over the next 10 years, deterring Iran by killing the leader of the Quds force, and bringing home dozens of Americans held hostage or detained overseas.

“What I believe is he should win. We’re a democracy, we’ll have to see what happens,” he said. “I’ve watched the rallies and people are pretty excited, but I’m not commenting from a political standpoint but I think he has a lot of support out there and we’re certainly hoping for the best.”

Asked whether it was appropriate for Trump to have urged Attorney General Bill Barr to investigate Democratic opponent Joe Biden and his son Hunter, O’Brien declined to say but referred questions to Barr and Trump and said he didn’t know enough about the issue.

“I’m unaware of any pressure from the president,” he said.

O’Brien also said that the U.S. could level sanctions against Turkey over the S-400 air defense missile system that Russia sold the country. Turkey reportedly tested the system last week, but the administration has not sanctioned the country as required under the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, part of which goes after countries that do military business with Russia.

O’Brien said within the U.S. government, there was “a number of policy processes that are going on with Turkey,” including related to the S-400, and that they will follow the law. The administration has already blocked Turkey from buying the F-35 fighter jet.

“There may come a time when there are sanctions on Turkey because of different conduct, whether it’s the S-400 or otherwise,” he said. “We’d like to avoid that if we could. We’d like to see Turkey do some things differently.”

“Turkey is a major country and they’re a NATO ally and we want to try and get this right, but Turkey’s not making it easy given some of the things that they’ve been up to,” he added.

O’Brien, interviewed while eating pizza at a restaurant in Bath, Maine, defended himself against criticism that’s circulated in Washington for traveling to swing states like New Hampshire, Iowa and Wisconsin in recent weeks right before the election, given that he holds a non-political job. He said that some of those states are “on the front lines of our defense industrial base.”

“They deserve to hear about the president’s national security policies and our foreign policy successes just as much as the Washington think tank class,” he said. “The only people I’ve heard criticize a trip outside of Washington are people in the establishment, in the think tanks that get to hear from me or Secretary Pompeo or Secretary Esper on a regular basis,” referring to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Secretary of Defense Mark Esper.

While Trump once criticized former President Barack Obama for telegraphing some military actions beforehand, O’Brien said that the troop drawdown in Afghanistan is different because the U.S. reached a deal with the Taliban where they’ve agreed to not attack American troops, although they continue to kill their Afghan brethren.

O’Brien said that if the Taliban don’t live up to their obligations as part of the peace deal, “they understand there will be strong and swift response from the United States but for now this is what they’ve agreed to.” He noted that the U.S. hasn’t had a combat death in Afghanistan since the deal was signed.

Asked about the dispute with the Pentagon over how many troops to withdraw and how quickly, he said: “The military’s not a separate branch of government” and that “they don’t have an Afghanistan policy that’s different from the administration’s policy.”

“The president is the commander in chief, and he has a policy on Afghanistan,” he said.

The national security adviser also called the preliminary deal that was recently reached between the U.S. and Russia to extend the New START arms control treaty “very significant step forward,” but said it could take “a week, a month” or even “a year” to actually finalize such a deal.

“But I think we’ve made progress and I appreciate how the Russians have come closer to our position and we’ll see if we can close it,” he said.



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Fox News polls: Trump has narrow lead in Ohio, falls short in Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin


President Donald Trump has a slight lead over Joe Biden in Ohio, according to a series of Fox News polls released on Wednesday — but the Democratic former vice president is pulling far ahead of the Republican president in three key battleground states.

Among Ohio likely voters, 48 percent of respondents said they preferred Trump, while 45 percent opted for Biden. That’s a reversal from a Fox News poll last month that had 50 percent of respondents picking Biden compared with 45 percent picking Trump. Wednesday’s poll has a margin of sampling error of plus or minus 3 percentage points.

The gap narrows considerably among Ohio likely voters on their impression of Trump’s performance — 50 percent approve of his job as president, and 49 percent disapprove.

In the critical states of Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, however, the preference seemed much more clear for Biden. In Michigan, 52 percent of likely voters said they preferred Biden, to only 40 percent for Trump. Biden led by 5 percentage points in Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, garnering 49 and 50 percent of respondents’ support among likely voters in each state, respectively. That compares with 44 percent of Wisconsin respondents and 45 percent of Pennsylvania respondents voicing support for Trump.

And among suburban women in all four states, Biden is at a clear advantage, leading Trump by double digits in all states. In Pennsylvania, that lead is as high as 35 percentage points. The margins of sampling error were higher for this subset of voters — plus or minus 6 to 7 percentage points. The Trump campaign has recently been making frequent direct appeals to suburban women, who have been fleeing Trump’s base in droves in the weeks leading up to the election.

The Fox News polls were conducted Oct. 17-20 via landlines and cellphones.



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Senate Judiciary to vote Thursday on forcing testimony from Twitter, Facebook CEOs


The Senate Judiciary Committee will vote Thursday on whether to issue subpoenas to the CEOs of Twitter and Facebook, a spokesperson for the committee said late Wednesday, escalating Republicans' standoff with the social media companies over allegations of political bias.

The details: Lawmakers will vote to allow the panel to compel testimony from Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg and Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, Judiciary communications director Taylor Reidy said Wednesday evening.

If issued, the tech moguls would be required to testify on the alleged "suppression and/or censorship" of a disputed New York Post report alleging direct ties between Joe Biden and his son's business interests, according to a document released by the panel.

Republican Judiciary leaders last week announced plans to vote on subpoenas for Dorsey and Zuckerberg, whose companies are facing intense scrutiny from President Donald Trump and his GOP allies over their efforts to limit the distribution of the Post reports. But the vote, initially slated for Tuesday, was delayed after some Republican members expressed reservations about the timing and scope of the maneuver, as POLITICO previously reported.

Reidy told POLITICO that negotiations between the committee and the companies for the CEOs to testify voluntarily, rather than by subpoena, are still ongoing. The committee had indicated earlier this week it would move to a subpoena vote if the two sides were unable to reach a deal for them to appear willingly.

Spokespeople for Twitter and Facebook declined to comment.

Zuckerberg, Dorsey and Google CEO Sundar Pichai are separately scheduled to testify before the Senate Commerce Committee next Wednesday.

A packed hearing: Thursday's subpoena vote will take place during the same session where the Judiciary Committee is expected to advance the nomination of Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett. Senate Judiciary Democrats have indicated they plan to boycott the vote, but Reidy said the committee will move ahead with the full agenda for the session.

A small reprieve for the tech industry: The committee will again postpone consideration of a bill led by Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), aimed at narrowing the internet companies' coveted liability protections under Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, Reidy said.



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Senators eschew debates in final campaign stretch


Debates can often produce some of the most memorable moments of a campaign. But just two weeks before the Nov. 3 election, four states are unlikely to even hold debates on who to send to the U.S. Senate.

The debate about the debates is playing out in three red-leaning states — Alabama, Louisiana and Mississippi, where GOP Sens. Bill Cassidy and Cindy Hyde-Smith plus Republican Senate candidate Tommy Tuberville are not planning to debate their opponents.

A closer race in Michigan between Democrat Sen. Gary Peters and Republican businessman John James also likely won’t produce a debate, though it’s due to disagreements over the forum.

Candidates typically don't agree to debates when they’re so confident they’ll win that they don't think it's necessary. Debating with an opponent also opens up the possibility of a fatal gaffe — just ask Richard Mourdock, an Indiana Republican Senate candidate who appeared on his way to becoming a U.S. senator in 2012 until he said during a debate that a rape that resulted in pregnancy is "something that God intended to happen."

But not debating an opponent has its drawbacks, namely that the underdog can paint the favorite as scared. Sen. Doug Jones (D-Ala.), the most endangered Senate incumbent, argued in an interview that not debating Tuberville would only help his campaign.

“He's proven that he’s a quitter at his job, and now he’s proven he’s just kind of a coward because he really doesn’t have anything to say,” Jones said. “He doesn’t have a plan, he doesn’t do anything to put forth a plan or any platform and there’s just only so many times you can say ‘Donald Trump.’”

A spokesperson for Tuberville did not respond to a request for comment.

Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) said in an interview that he wasn’t closing the door on a debate, but that televisions station in Louisiana that could host the event didn’t provide invitations with sufficient criteria for who would participate. Cassidy said that even if he doesn’t participate, the issues will “be pretty aired out.’" Cassidy also skipped a debate in 2014.

“My opponent has basically signed up for the Democratic platform, the Green New Deal, Medicare for All, doing away the filibuster,” the Louisiana Republican said. “I think people will know what that means in my state.”

Ben Riggs, press secretary for Adrian Perkins, Cassidy’s main Democratic opponent, accused the senator of “dodging debates because he can’t stand on stage with Mayor Perkins and defend his record on pandemic relief or his many attempts to rob millions of Americans of healthcare.”

Meanwhile, Sen. Cindy Hyde Smith (R-Miss.) will also skip debating, prompting her opponent Mike Espy to accuse her of “disrespecting her voters.” When asked about the incumbent Republican’s decision, a spokesperson for her campaign said in a statement that “Mississippians care about what Senator Hyde-Smith is getting done in the job they elected her to do.”

Senate debates do not typically make or break a candidate’s campaign. But with many Senate candidates holding fewer events amid the coronavirus, they provide a key platform for undecided voters. (The states where control of the Senate will likely be decided — Colorado, Arizona, North Carolina, Iowa and Maine — have all had debates.)

Some Democratic challengers have been more selective about which forums they want to participate in and incumbent Republican senators Susan Collins of Maine, Martha McSally of Arizona and Thom Tillis of North Carolina have called on their Democratic opponents to take part in more debates. Collins, for example, called on her challenger Sara Gideon to participate in 16 debates. A spokesperson for Sara Gideon said the campaign agreed to participate in five debates, similar to previous election cycles.

In Michigan, both Peters and James insist that they want a debate, but disagree over the terms.

“I’ve agreed to two debates that we have done in Michigan since the 1990’s,” Peters said in an interview. “The debates that he did two years ago when he lost to Debbie Stabenow ... it’s in his hands, he’s just trying to avoid it.”

Abby Walls, a spokesperson for James, argued that the campaign is pushing for four debates, two in local media markets and two national and accused Peters of being unwilling to talk about his record.

“The James campaign has turned down nothing,” Walls said. “We’ve left the door open on those options but our conversations have been stunted because Gary Peters’ team has turned down any other options besides the two he’s suggested on the spot.”

Burgess Everett contributed to this report.



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